Chapter Fifty-Five: The Storm Rises Again

When Feng Chengqian arrived, the imperial council had already begun. The only attendees were Theobald von Bethmann, who had become Imperial Chancellor just the previous year; the Chief of the General Staff, Schlieffen, and his deputy, Helmuth von Moltke; the Chief of the Imperial Naval Staff, Holtzendorff; and the acting Foreign Minister, Johann von Bernstorff. Feng Chengqian was the last of the high ministers to arrive, and the meeting immediately moved to its central topic.

There was only one item on the agenda: France’s increasingly aggressive and exclusive actions in Morocco.

Although after the Algeciras Conference, Germany and France had reached a reconciliation agreement over the Moroccan issue—one in which the German Empire had made concessions and France had gained considerable benefits—British covert support had left France unwilling to share its spoils with Germany. Over the following years, France continued to engineer incidents in Morocco, using all manner of means to carve out zones of occupation, and finally even sought to monopolize Morocco entirely.

Britain’s support for France was directly linked to the German Empire’s vigorous naval expansion.

Morocco’s strategic position is of critical importance. To the north lies the Strait of Gibraltar—commanding the exit from the Mediterranean and facing the Atlantic. Should Morocco fall into German hands, the Imperial Navy would gain forward bases for operations in both the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.

Clearly, Britain would not tolerate such a development.

Yet France’s expansionist moves had angered not only the German Empire, but also the Moroccans themselves.

After years of French oppression, three days ago, the Moroccan capital erupted in a popular uprising against both the Sultan and the French invaders. France promptly dispatched troops, under the pretext of protecting its nationals, to occupy the Moroccan capital and other cities—an act in blatant violation of the Algeciras agreement.

The Kaiser had convened this emergency council to address the crisis.

But could the problem truly be resolved by a handful of ministers in discussion?

At the council, Moltke the Younger was the most resolute, arguing that this was the moment to declare war on France. Even if France could not be utterly defeated, at the very least their arrogance could be checked, and Britain, which was backing France from the shadows, would be made to realize that France was no real threat to the Empire.

But only Moltke held such extreme views.

Chancellor Bethmann was more levelheaded, believing that the time was not yet ripe for war. The Empire was unprepared in diplomatic and economic spheres, let alone others. Moreover, under the terms of the secret agreements with Austria-Hungary and Italy, if the Empire attacked France, its two allies would have grounds to remain neutral. This raised a new problem: Germany could find itself at war with both France and Russia, and even Britain might join the fray. The reason was simple: according to the Franco-Russian military alliance, should Germany attack France, Russia was obligated to intervene. If Britain and France had a similar secret treaty, Britain would also go to war. Even if it did not, should France falter, Britain would find other pretexts to intervene to prevent German dominance.

Schlieffen’s view was similar to Bethmann’s: the time for war had not yet come.

The most cautious was Foreign Minister Bernstorff.

Of all present, Feng Chengqian knew the least about Bernstorff—the man had been ambassador to the United States only last year. Feng Chengqian could not fathom why the Kaiser had appointed him acting foreign minister, for his abilities were hardly outstanding, and the Kaiser had better options.

Curiously, the Chief of the Naval Staff, Holtzendorff, was also opposed to war with France.

Though Feng Chengqian was Minister of Naval War, his position was civilian—equivalent to the Minister of War for the Army—and he had no authority over the Naval Staff.

Clearly, the Kaiser was dissatisfied with the tone of the discussion.

In the face of French provocation, if the Empire swallowed its anger, the Kaiser’s loss of face would be the least of their concerns; in future crises, would Germany still have a voice?

The Kaiser’s meaning was clear: even if war was not to be declared, action was required.

“No matter what, we cannot stand idly by. France’s actions have gravely breached our previous agreements and amount to a unilateral renunciation of the accord. If we do nothing, how will we handle future international affairs? What nation will still believe the Empire’s authority to be inviolate?” Feng Chengqian, reading the Kaiser’s mind, spoke in support. “We must act, even if it is only on a limited scale.”

Frederick III nodded, waiting for Feng Chengqian to continue.

“Of course, I agree with the Chancellor, the Chief of the General Staff, and the Acting Foreign Minister—it is not yet time to declare war on France.” Feng Chengqian paused briefly, then said, “Even if we were confident of defeating France quickly, we would be condemned for lacking sufficient cause. Russia would certainly intervene, and Britain would likely stand behind France—if not with troops, then with material support. Even if we won, what would be gained? France’s actions in Morocco are not, in essence, about controlling Morocco, but rather part of Britain’s strategy to block our expansion in North Africa and the Mediterranean, thereby protecting her sea route to the Suez Canal. Put simply, even if we defeat France, Britain will step into Morocco, and we could never deploy before the British. Under threat from the Royal Navy, we could not even land troops in Morocco. The result is obvious—even with victory, our gains would be meager, perhaps nonexistent.”

When Feng Chengqian finished, Bethmann, Schlieffen, and Bernstorff nodded repeatedly, and even Holtzendorff expressed agreement.

Of course, only Moltke the Younger remained disdainful.

“So, it’s not worth fighting at all?”

“Your Majesty, whether there’s war or not depends on the other side, not us,” Feng Chengqian replied with a smile. “We must act appropriately to demonstrate the Empire’s resolve over the Moroccan affair. If France is willing to compromise, all the better. If not, we must reconsider. As things stand, France’s arrogance is due to two main factors: British backing and the Franco-Russian military alliance. The French believe we dare not act. If we do nothing, their demands will only escalate. Only by demonstrating our resolve can we safeguard the Empire’s interests.”

“How do we do that?”

“That depends on what we wish to gain.”

Frederick III frowned, signaling Feng Chengqian to continue.

“First, we must recognize that it is not only France, but also Britain, who opposes our control over Morocco. If we confront France directly over Morocco, we will gain nothing. My suggestion is to use the Moroccan issue to demand other concessions—perhaps prompt France to cede other colonies.”

“This...”

“In fact, we should not expect to monopolize Morocco, and may even have to make significant concessions, recognizing France’s dominant position there.”

Frederick III sighed inwardly, knowing Feng Chengqian spoke the truth.

“No matter how we handle this, the key is to safeguard the Empire’s interests, not to rush blindly into war. In other words, if we do fight, it must be to protect those interests. If war brings no benefit and only great risk, then there is no point in pursuing it.”

“What do you propose?”

“Me?”

Frederick III nodded. “As you said, we must act, but not recklessly. The navy is best suited for this.”

“This…”

“What, can you think of nothing?”

Feng Chengqian considered for a moment, then said, “To prevent escalation, it would be best to send a warship to Morocco, take control of a port, and thus thwart France’s ambition to monopolize Morocco. We could then use the Algeciras agreement as grounds to negotiate with France for greater advantage.”

“That will suffice?”

“Unless France is prepared to go to war with us, it will be enough.”

Frederick III nodded thoughtfully. “Very well, we will follow your plan. You are to take personal charge of this matter as the Empire’s plenipotentiary.”

Feng Chengqian was taken aback, having not expected such an appointment.

“As you said, the Empire does not need a war that brings no benefit, but tangible gains,” Frederick III concluded, then turned to Schlieffen and Moltke. “We must also prepare for the worst. If France will not relent, we must fight, and show them who is master of the continent. Even if no immediate gains are won, we must think in longer terms. If we cannot humble France, no nation in Europe will respect us, nor will any ally with an empire that knows only compromise and retreat.”

“Your Majesty means...?”

“The Army is to begin partial mobilization, and we will inform Russia and Britain that France’s unilateral breach of the Algeciras agreement constitutes grounds for war. However, our actions are not aimed at Russia or Britain, and we hope to resolve our disputes peacefully,” Frederick III paused, then continued, “But in diplomacy, without a strong fist behind us, we cannot hope to secure our due through negotiation, nor hope for outcomes in our favor.”

Schlieffen nodded, understanding the Kaiser’s meaning.

Feng Chengqian hesitated, then said, “If so, we might conduct a large-scale exercise in the western region, rather than outright mobilization.”

“An exercise would also serve as a partial mobilization,” Schlieffen added immediately.

“If you believe that is sufficient, so be it, but our intentions must be made clear.”

With that, all matters having been discussed, the imperial council adjourned.

Feng Chengqian wasted no time and departed for Wilhelmshaven that very night.